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According to conventional wisdom, intoxicants have characteristic psychological effects and a unique ability to change the personality of human beings. This idea largely originates from an old popular belief about alcohol, which was widespread in the Western world.
This popular belief evolved at a time when people were illiterate and believed the earth was flat. While modern science has removed several old ideas, public belief on alcohol effects has changed very little. Two leading alcohol researchers at Harvard Medical School remark:1
"Empirical findings contradicting public belief on alcohol's effects on behavior, have had an imperceptible influence on attitudes to alcohol."
In our time, we tend to consider ourselves as rational creatures, basing our ideas on facts and science. Why has research had so little impact on popular ideas on intoxicants, especially on the ideas on alcohol?
Two major causes are obvious. The first is that the conventional wisdom has the quality of a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Placebo research demonstrates that human beings are highly
suggestible (chapter 4) and learned interpretations
(
Those who demystify intoxicants, find themselves positioned in a
no-mans-land, under fire from both camps.
Research puts intoxicants in a more ordinary position among chemical
substances. Alcohol emerges as a colorless organic solvent with a boiling
point of 78 degrees Celsius and a specific weight of 0.8, and little
more.
In and by themselves, the chemical substances are neither magical nor
mystical. Human beings endow them with symbolic meanings, employ
them in rituals, and attribute supernatural abilities to them. While the
chemical substances emerge as relatively neutral and colorless agents,
human use of them is anything but colorless.
Accepting the research on behavioral effects of intoxicants may require
a restructuring of ideas. The behavior of other people and, often, one's
own behavior, may have to be reconsidered from a new perspective. And
the question may arise: Why, then, were magical powers attributed to
these substances?
Alcohol had entered human culture as a natural adulterant (chapter 6). How did popular belief on its
behavioral effects originate?
Anthropologists have answered the question by calling attention to
the fact that alcohol does, indeed, produce several unintentional events
- stumbling, falling, losing or breaking things, and falling asleep.2 These involuntary happenings are due to the
impairment of skills which alcohol brings about, irrespective of the
society in which it occurs.
The idea is not far away that other events which take place during
alcohol intoxication also occur unintentionally, even if they are not
due to the reduction of skills. If this idea has gained a foothold in a
society, it does, indeed, become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
The drugs which came into use in the 1960s, like marijuana and LSD,
were marketed as drugs altering consciousness and personality. Later on,
there has been an increasing tendency to attribute similar
characteristics to more and more drugs - not only pain-killers,
hypnotics and sedatives, but also to previously unknown, synthetic
compounds.
Considering the learned character of the chemical "highs" and
drug-related behavior, we can easily understand the ever increasing
number of "psycho-active" drugs: Noticeable, but non-specific
physiological effects indicating that "something is different", are the
subject of interpretations and expectations based upon social learning.
The number of substances which may potentially be perceived as
"psycho-active" is virtually unlimited.
The pure chemical effects of intoxicants can hardly explain the motives
for use. Some of the motives can be perceived as expectancy effects
(chapter 4). Often, this is an insufficient
explanation. For example, skid row alcoholics persist in drinking although
they only seem to get broke, sick and sad.
When the conscious motives are insufficient as explanation, how
can we comprehend the use?
Two alternatives seem to exist.
One is the hypothesis that future research will produce entirely
different results. People insisting on chemical (instead of
sociopsychological) explanations for behavior, may claim that future
research will demonstrate that intoxicants "tickle" a brain center of
joy and that "dependence" some day will have a chemical explanation.
Various types of evidence make the chemical hypothesis improbable.
Conventional wisdom on the behavioral effects of intoxicants is so full
of contradictions (chapter 4) that it hardly ever can be substantiated. As
harmful intoxicant use in most cases is not continuous, "dependence" may
not provide an adequate explanation).
Few, if any, substances in the world have been as thoroughly
investigated as alcohol. Alcoholics may be the group of people which has
been studied most extensively. Therefore, it is very difficult to
maintain that future research on alcohol and alcoholism may give entirely
new conclusions.
The biological explanations of intoxicant use and the behavioral effects
of intoxicants, today appear to be unconfirmed hypotheses. Claiming that
we know too little yet and must await future research, certainly sounds
scientific. At some point of time, however, we will have to consider
seriously the huge amount of research which already has been carried out,
and accept the clear trends.
Conventional wisdom, which believes in the magic properties of
intoxicants, is, heavily disputed by a large body of research (chapters
5 and 6). In addition, the psychological and behavioral effects of
intoxicants vary so much with learning and culture, that intoxicted
behavior can hardly ever be attributed to the chemical effects of the
substances.
Thus, alternative explanations must be found.
We can positively state that intoxicants are used for symbolic and
ritual purposes (chapter 1). Intoxication serves as an alibi for bad
performances (chapter 2) and for otherwise stigmatized behavior (chapter
3). These are certainly no unconfirmed hypotheses, but are the
established motives for intoxicant use. These factors are
necessary and sufficient explanations of the behavior we
observe, as they can also account for the enormous individual and cultural
differences in intoxicant behavior.
As long as we ignore the sociopsychological benefits from
intoxication and intoxicant use, the use of intoxicants may appear
mystical and incomprehensible. Traditionally, the use of intoxicants has
been poorly understood. This is reflected in the fact that several
publications have been issued on the topic "Theories of drinking and
drug use ..."3, 4, 5
Several different theories have been put forward: Why on earth do
people use intoxicants - and why do they use them to a harmful extent?
This has been the long-standing enigma in the alcohol and drug field.
The analysis presented here is hardly based on theories.
Intoxicants are, undoubtedly, used for symbolic and ritual purposes.
Intoxication does function as an alibi for individuals facing the
risk of bad performance or possibly showing stigmatized behavior. And the
kinds of magical properties which are attributed to intoxicants, have to
become self-fulfilling through learning, suggestion and self-suggestion.
It may, however, be maintained that one assumption is embedded in
this sociopsychological analysis of motives for intoxicant use - the
principle that these conspicuous motives are sufficient explanations for
using alcohol and drugs, even for using it to a harmful extent.
Experience from psychiatry, psychotherapy and psychoanalysis
particularly shows that maintaining an acceptable reputation and - above
all - self-image is a primary goal for human endeavor. The concern for
self-respect is, indeed, such a mighty force that it can even motivate
excessive risk-taking behavior. The leading theorist of social
psychology, Bandura, states that "there is no greater punishment than
self-contempt".6 As suicide is not infrequently
motivated by self-contempt, people also go to other extremes to avoid
the torture of self-contempt. Intoxication may cause less self-contempt
than performing badly or breaking norms in a state of full
responsibility.
REFERENCES
1.Mello,Nk & Mendelson,JH (1978): Alcohol and Human
Behavior. Pp. 235-317 in Iversen,LL et al (eds.): Handbook of
Psychopharmacology. Vol.12; Drugs of Abuse. Plenum Press, New York and London.
2.MacAndrew,C & Edgerton,RB (1969): Drunken
Comportment: A Social Explanation. Aldine, Chicago.
3.Lettieri, DJ et al (eds.)(1980): Theories on Drug
Abuse. NIDA Research Monograph 30, Rockville, Md.
4.Blane,HT & Leonard,KE (eds.)(1986): Psychological
Theories if Drinking and Alcoholism. The Guilford Press, New York.
5.Chaudron,CD & Wilkinson,DA (eds.)(1988): Theories
of Alcoholism. Addiction Research Foundation, Toronto.
6.Bandura,A (1977): Social Learning theory,
Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
How did alcohol and other drugs become
"psycho-active" drugs?
Chemical hypothesis or indisputable
motives?
Understanding intoxicant use - is it possible?
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