|
The New Lycaeum
What's New
Announcements
Disclaimer
Leda
About Leda
Chemicals
Taxonomy
Preparations
Categories
Links
Lycaeum
Homepage
Forums
Chat
Hosted Sites
Books
Contact
About
|
A Note on the Safety of Peyote when Used Religiously, by Matthew J. Baggott | What's Related >> |
A well researched article surprisingly originally posted in alt.drugs
A Note on
the Safety of Peyote when Used Religiously.
by Matthew J. Baggot
Among the psychedelic drugs, mescaline is perhaps the best understood. It was
the first psychedelic to be isolated and synthesized by scientists. Its
metabolism and biochemistry have been extensively studied in human and non-human
animals. As the main psychoactive component in the cactus peyote (Lophophora
williamsii), mescaline has a long history of religious use that continues to
this day. This gives us a rare opportunity to study the effects of a psychedelic
in a controlled, traditional, and (relatively) Westernized setting.
Unfortunately, this opportunity has too often been ignored, perhaps because of
the political unpalatability of any positive model of psychedelic use. Those
studies which have been conducted have tended to focus on the pathology-related
issues where Western medicine excels (such as mutagenicity, teratogenicity, and
adverse psychological reactions).
Peyote's long tradition of use has been used to examine whether it might be
mutagenic. At one point there was concern that some psychedelics, in particular
LSD but also mescaline, might cause chromosomal disorders. A comprehensive
review of the evidence concerning LSD eventually concluded that there was no
significant risk (Long 1972). It appears that the type of chromosome breakage
that occurs with psychedelics can be induced by many different substances and
causes no real harm to users or their offspring (Henderson and Glass 1994).
Nonetheless, several studies have addressed this issue in Native American
populations. For example, Oscar Janiger M.D. and his colleagues published a
study on the effect of peyote on human chromosomes among the Huichols, who have
used peyote for approximately 1600 years, and found no abnormalities (Dorrance,
Janiger, and Teplitz 1975). They estimated that the people they tested took
peyote up to 35 times a year and had been doing so for essentially all of their
lives. Another study, among the Yanomano Indians of Venezuela, found no
difference in chromosomal damage between males and females despite the fact that
only males ingested peyote (Bloom et al 1970).
A more interesting type of study investigates the psychological safety of
religious peyote use. It would appear that, when used in a controlled religious
setting, peyote can be used with very few adverse reactions. This conclusion is
reached in "Navajo Peyote Use: Its Apparent Safety" by Robert Bergman
M.D. (Bergman 1971). While working with the mental health program of the Indian
Health Service, Bergman tracked every report of a peyote-linked psychiatric
episode in Navajoland over four years. At the time, the Indian Health Service
provided almost all medical services in the area and consultation to many
community organizations, including the Native American Church. This put the
program in a good position to document adverse psychological reactions to
peyote.
However, they saw "almost no acute or chronic emotional disturbance arising
from peyote use (p. 697)." Of the approximately 40 to 50 reports of adverse
reactions over the four year period, there was only one "relatively
clear-cut case of acute psychosis and four cases that are difficult to interpret
(p. 697)." The other reports were either heresay or were traceable to
physicians blindly assuming that mental problems among the Navajo people were
due to peyote.
This low number of cases allowed Bergman to make some estimates about the actual
incidence of adverse reactions to peyote: ...The Native American Church of
Navajoland estimates its membership at 40,000. This estimate may be high and
there may be inactive members, so we will use a population base of 30,000. Our
informants report attending meetings with an average frequency of about twice a
month. Since this may be exaggerated, we will assume an average attendance of
only once every two months. This would result in a total of 180,000 ingestions
of peyote per year by the population we serve. Assuming that all five of our
cases represent true reactions to peyote and that we hear about only half of the
cases occurring, the resulting (probably overestimated) rate would be
approximately one bad reaction per 70,000 ingestions. (p. 697) As you can see
from this estimate, the incidence of negative reactions among peyote users is
very low when the substance is taken under controlled circumstances. We should
note that there may be a sampling bias in the estimate since people who
experience repeated or severe problems after using psychedelics probably drop
out of the Church and wouldn't be represented in the '70,000 ingestions.'
The 5 case reports which the article mentions involve:
- One man who, against rules, had been drinking alcohol and experienced a
paranoid panic attack after taking peyote; he recovered in 24 hrs but quit
attending the ceremonies;
- An acute schizophrenic episode which began at the time of the meeting and
became worse over the next few days but improved after inpatient treatment
and didn't prevent attendance at further meetings;
- A man who had attended ceremonies at the insistence of his wife, despite
the objections of his family, and who reported feelings of anxiety and
depersonalization until he quit attending meetings and worked out some of
his feelings about his marriage; and
- Two chronic schizophrenic patients who became anxious during meetings but
who continued to attend them without untoward effects.
This is too small a sample of cases to allow us to draw any sweeping
conclusions, but it is interesting to note that at least some diagnosed
schizophrenics are generally able to comfortably ingest peyote. This suggests
that mescaline and probably other psychedelics do not cause schizophrenic
episodes directly but at best trigger episodes in people with latent
schizophrenia through some other (possibly stress-related) mechanism. After all,
if psychedelics directly interacted in a negative manner with whatever
neurosystems are affected in schizophrenia, then we would expect psychedelic use
to acutely increase the symptoms of these disorders.
This argument is consistent with a survey of the literature on adverse reactions
to psychedelics by Rick Strassman M.D. (Strassman 1984). Among other things,
Strassman discusses the data comparing those patients with
"schizophrenia-like" disorders who had used LSD with those who had
not. He concludes that "these data, taken as a whole, limited as they are
in terms of comparing subgroups ... of 'schizophrenia-like' disorders, point
toward, at most, a possible precipitatory role in the development of these
disorders, in a nonspecific and not etiologically related manner" (p. 585).
The 'comfortable' religious use of peyote by the schizophrenics Bergman
described stands in contrast to the situation when schizophrenics are given
psychedelics in a psychiatric setting. In psychiatric settings, LSD --the
psychedelic most often clinically administered-- is often received with
"displeasure" by patients and few are receptive to subsequent
administrations (Fink et al 1966). This is despite the fact that patients
showing typical schizophrenic symptoms are generally able to
"tolerate" LSD well, possibly due to their experience handling other
'altered states' (Glass 1973) or because their brain already produces
psychedelic-like substances as part of their illness (Strassman 1984). Of
course, there may also be some differences in severity of symptoms between
schizophrenics participating in Native American Church ceremonies and those who
were psychiatric inpatients which allowed the first group to ingest peyote more
easily. Finally, the differences in attitude between someone intentionally
ingesting a religious sacrament and someone taking an experimental medicine
should affect their willingness to tolerate some of the drug'sside effects.
In addition to these differences, the social environment and structure of the
peyote ceremony doubtlessly also plays some role in minimizing adverse
reactions. This becomes clear when we examine theories concerning the
development of adverse reactions. Fink et al (1966) concluded that the hazard of
LSD (and presumably other psychedelic) administration "appears not to be in
the precipitation of a schizophrenic-like state but rather in decreasing
emotional and affective controls... (p. 453)." Using more psychiatric
terminology, Glass (1973) hypothesized that a psychedelic drug can cause the ego
to lose control, especially in patients predisposed to this:
The drug effect is a stress and, while dose-related, may be awesome for the
borderline individual whose tenuous control over both the environment and his
own intrapsychic state makes normal functioning difficult. He may not be able to
reintegrate rapidly the distorted perception, rapidly changing emotions, and
loosened ego boundaries after the actual drug effect has begun to wane. (p. 235)
If we understand the potential dangers of psychedelics in this way, it makes
sense that a group ceremony which is focused on praying for specific purposes
would reduce the stress of psychedelic use. Occurring in a socially sanctioned
setting, loosened ego boundaries might not appear threatening but instead might
allow the individual to identify with the larger social group.
Bergman made similar observations in his study and argued that usually repressed
emotions are made available by peyote in the religious meetings. Although these
emotions might normally cause panic or psychosis, the structure of the meetings
carefully channels the emotions into ego-strengthening directions. Bergman
identified and explained several factors through which he believed this
channeling is carried out:
...Some of the crucial factors are a positive expectation held by the Peyotists,
an emphasis on the real interpersonal world rather than the world within the
individual, emphasis on communion rather than withdrawal during the drug
experience, emphasis on adherence to the standards of society rather than on the
freeing of impulses, and certain practices during the meetings.
Peyotists regard peyote as a powerful and beneficial medicine. Meetings are held
for curative or other beneficial purposes, and the road man is regarded as curer
as well as priest. Much of the time in meetings is spent praying for and talking
about expected benefits from the drug. As in psychotherapy or any other curative
ritual, this expectation seems to be an important influence.
...The whole spirit of the religion seems best characterized as communion --with
God and with other men. Meetings are experienced as a time of being close and
growing closer to one another. It is acceptable and expected that if someone in
a meeting expresses a strong feeling, the others present feel it with him and
tell him so. If there is a tendency to lose old features of one's identity,
there is an equally strong tendency to acquire stronger identity as a member of
the group. As a member of the church, each person is assured of his own
significance and of group support for his own needs to be self-assertive in the
outside world.
Meetings are conducted in a strict and organized way. Distortions in time sense
are counteracted by the various events of the service that take place at
precisely defined times of the night. Almost everything is done in a ritualized
way that requires attention to the detail of one's movements and speech. The
drum, ceremonial tobacco, and other important objects are passed only in a
certain way. In moving about the hogan or tepee, one walks only in a certain
direction. All these details are invested with considerable emotion, and some
Peyotists say that this keeps them "thinking in the right way." The
ceremony is experienced as beautiful, but much of the beauty is the beauty of
orderliness.
Road men are trained to look after people who become excessively withdrawn. If a
participant begins to stare fixedly into the fire and seems unaware of the
others, the road man will speak to him and, if necessary, go to him and pray
with him. In the process of praying with him, the road man may fan him with an
eagle feather fan, splash drops of water on him, and fan cedar incense over him.
All of these processes are regarded as sacred and helpful, and they seem to
provide stimulation in several sense modalities to draw one back into the
interpersonal world. Another safeguard is the custom that no one is to leave the
meeting early. Considerable effort is made to prevent someone who has been
eating peyote from going off alone into the night. This factor is probably
important too, in the customary activities of the morning after the meeting.
Everyone stays together and socializes until well after the drug effect is over.
(p. 698)
From the point of view of an anthropologist, Bergman's explanations probably
lack ethnographic sophistication. Nonetheless, he still provides some excellent
observations about how the larger social context can help structure an
individual's drug experience. Although it is now generally recognized that this
can occur (see, for example, Falk and Feingold 1987), there is too little
research into the exact mechanisms of this interaction. This may be because such
research would span disciplines and would not easily be replicated in a
laboratory.
Despite these potential difficulties, research of this sort is important. It
could not only help us to manage and prevent 'bad trips' but would also have
potential in making non-psychedelic medical drug use safer and more effective.
Set and setting influence the effects of many drugs; the influence is simply
most obvious with psychedelics.
Finally, religious use of peyote deserves close study because it is the only
non-experimental psychedelic use allowed by the U.S. government. This is largely
due to peyote's long history of religious use by Native Americans. Ultimately,
however, the U.S. government's position on psychedelics will need to be
rationalized. In other words, we will need to understand what factors make the
Native American Church's use of peyote safe (and apparently beneficial) so that
we can rationally distinguish between responsible and reckless psychedelic use.
Matthew J. Baggott, April 1996,mbagg@itsa.ucsf.edu
REFERENCES
- Bergman RL (1971). ""Navajo peyote use: its apparent
safety," Amer J Psychiat 128(6):695-699[51-55].
- Bloom AD; Neel JV; Choi KW; Iida S; Chagnon N (1970). "Chromosome
aberrations among the yanomamma indians." Proc Natl Acad Sci USA
66(3):920-927.
- Cohen S (1960). "Lysergic acid diethylamide: side effects and
complications." J Nerv Ment Dis 130:30-40.
- Cohen S; Ditman KS (1963). "Prolonged adverse reactions to lysergic
acid diethylamide." Arch Gen Psychiatry 8:475-480.
- Dorrance; Janiger; and Teplitz (1975), "Effect of peyote on human
chromosomes: cytogenic study of the huichol indians of northern mexico."
JAMA 234:299-302.
- Eisner BG; Cohen S (1958). "Psychotherapy with lysergic acid
diethylamide." J Nerv Ment Dis 127:528-539.
- Falk JL and Feingold, DA (1987). "Environmental and cultural factors
in the behavioral action of drugs" in (ed Meltzer, HY) Psychopharmacology:
the third generation of progress, Raven Press, New York, p. 1503-1510.
- Fink, M; Simeon, J; Haque, W; and Itil T (1966). "Prolonged adverse
reactions to LSD in psychotic subjects." Arch Gen Psychiatry
15:450-454.
- Glass GS (1973). "Psychedelic drugs, stress, and the ego: the
differential diagnosis of psychosis associated with psychotomimetic drug
use" J Nerv Ment Dis 156: 232-241.
- Henderson LA and Glass WJ (1994). LSD: still with us after all these
years, Lexington Books, New York.
- Long SY (1972). "Does LSD induce chromosome damage and malformations?
a review of the literature" Teratology 6:75-90.
- Strassman RJ (1984) "Adverse reactions to psychedelic drugs: a review
of the literature." J Nerv Ment Dis 172(10):577-595.
Created 8/30/2001 1:18:14 Modified 8/30/2001 1:18:14 | Leda version 1.4.3 |
|