The
Indians of the northwest Amazon-that region lying in Colombia and Ecuador and
adjacent areas of Brazil and Peru-have an uncanny familiarity with the plants
of the ambient vegetation and with their biodynamic activity. This knowledge
and skill is obviously the result of millennia of intimacy with and utter
dependence upon the flora, combined with the intense curiosity about natural
phenomena that characterizes these people.
One
of the enigmas that botanists have not yet had much success in understanding
concerns the native's recognition of "kinds" or "varieties"
of many of the wild species of their useful plants. The variants are so well
established in the Indians' classifications that they usually have distinguishing
native names.
This
skill is manifest not only to those few of the 80,000 species native to the
region that are economically imponant but is found in the aboriginal classification
of a number of plants which apparently have little or no imponance as utilitarian,
ceremonial, magical or mythological species.
In
most cases, it is botanically impossible to discem morphological differences
on which subspecific taxonomic categories might be recogized. Yet often-nay,
usually-an Indian can tell at once and frequently on sight and at a significant
distance, without feeling, tasting, smelling, crushing, tearing or other physical
manipulation, to which category a plant belongs. The "identification"
of these "kinds" is indeed a complex interdisciplinary problem,
but, while it is obviously of deep significance to the anthropologist and
psychologist, it is of extraordinary imponance to the botanist and
phytochemist.
Little
research on this fascinating aspect of ethnobotany seems to have been attempted.
Most of the "explanations" offered are pure conjectuse. It has been
suggested that these recognized named "varieties" may be simply
different parts of a large plant, sundry age forms or portions growing in
shade, sun or under other environmental conditions. It is very probable-especially
with food, medicinal, narcotic os toxic species-that some of these "varieties"
may represent chemovars. But if so, how can a native visually identify which
chemovar it is and give it the name that his language has for that variant?
I have tested the perspicacity of the Indians in this respect on many occasions
and have rarely found them hesitant, doubtful or in error. And Indians of
different tribes and living at appreciable distances from one another will
identify these variants with amazing consistency.
There are no better examples of this aboriginal perspicacity than the stimulant
of the westernmost Amazon of Colombia and Ecuador-yoco, the sapindaceous vine
Paullinia Yoco (Schultes 1942)-and the source of the westem Amazon hallucinogenic
drink variously known as ayahuasca, caapi, natema, pinde, yaje-the
malpighiaceous liana, Banistesiopsis Caapi [Schultes 1957).
Evaluation
of field studies and studies of voucher specimens of these two major economic
plants illustrate the enigma surrounding the aboriginal ability to identify
"variants" of the species in their rich ambient vegetation.
The
specimens cited are preserved in the Economic Herbarium of Oakes Asnes andlor
the Gray Herbarium, both at Harvard University, andlor in the Herbario Nacional
de Colombia in Bogot'a, Colombia.
II.
Paullinia Yoco R. E. Schultes et Killip in Bot.
Mus. Leafl., Harvard Univ.10 (1942) 302, t. xxvü.
Paullinia (Illustrated to the right) is a genus of the Sapindaceae comprising
more than 180 species of lianas of tropical or subtropical America. One
species, P. Cupana Kunth is cultivated in the Brazilian Amazon as the source
of a caffeine-rich drink prepared from the seeds.
Anthropological
writings and reports of travellers frequently made mention of yoco
in the Colombian Putumayo. Material collected by the Belgian scientist Florent
Claes in the late 1920s was chemically examined and found to contain caffeine.
It was misidentified as Paullinia scarlatina Radlk., a species that
does not occur in South America. In 1942, the liana was definitively identified
and described as a new species of Paullinia: P. Yoco (Schultes 1942).
Eighty
years ago, the Colombian writer Zerda Bayon reported that the Indians of the
Comisarias del Caqueta and Putumayo distinguished various kinds of yoco,
stating that "there is a yoco blanco ["white
yoco"] and a yoco colorado ["red yoco"].
His specimens have long since been lost, and he did not attempt to explain
the differences between these two named kinds of yoco.
In
1942, when the binomial Paullinia Yoco was published, I commented as
follows on the several named and recognized variants. "During my ethnobotanical
studies in the Putumayo, I repeatedly questioned natives conceming the differences
between yoco blanco and yoco colorado with conflicting
replies. While it is true that the sap expressed hom some stems makes a light
chocolate-brown mixture when added to cold water that from other stems makes
a whitish milky mixture. Both taste the same, and both are equally effective
as a stimulant. The Indians do not prefer one to the other. I find it impossible
to distinguish botanically the liana which gives yoco blanco from
that which yields yoco colorado, but the natives can
identify them immediately by slashing the bark with a machete. I have noticed
that yoco colorado nearly always is a much stouter and apparently
older plant than yoco blanco. It is not possible that
the differences are due to seasonal or soil conditions, for yoco blanco
and yoco colorado grow side by side and can be collected at
the same time" (Schultes 1942).
One
of the recent collections (Pinkley 380) reports that totoa-yoko
("white yoco") "has more leche (`milk') than other types and
is therefore the best type." Klug 1955 indicates that huarmi yoco
is the "strongest" kind. Schultes et Cabrera sine num. notes
that yoco de brujo has unusually large leaves.
Further
studies in the field and herbaria have done little to advance our understanding
of the reasons for the Indians' recognition of these named "variants."
On the contrary, the problem has been complicated by the discovery that there
are many more aboriginally named kinds of yoco. The botanists
who have gathered the names and have associated them with collections of yoco
cannot offer distinguishing characters. The named
"variants"
now known number founeen: yoco; blanco yoco; canaguche yoco ("yoco
of the palm Mauritia flexuosa"); huarmi·yoco; po-yoko; tigre yoco
("yoco of the jaguar"), taruco yoco;
totoa-yoco ("white yoco"); verde
yoco ("green yoco"), yagé-yoco
or yoco-yajé (" yoco of the hallucinogen
Banisteriopsis Caapi ); yoco colorado; yoco-cu ( reddish
yoco"); yoco de brujo (medicine-man's
yoco"); yoco negro ("black yoco").
Two of these names might suggest that that kind of yoco was used with products
of other plants (with chicha de cananguche, a fermented
drink prepared from the fruits of Maurltia and with yajé, a narcotic
drink prepared from Banisteriopsis), but that does not explain the uncanny
skill of the natives in distinguishing the kind of yoco from
afar.
COLOMBIA:
Comisaria del Putumayo, Umbria. "Liana. Verde yoco."
January-February 1931. G. Klug 1930-Same locality and date. "Liana.
Blanco yoco." Klug 1933. Same localit and date. Klug
1935-Same locality and date. Klug 1937-Same locality and date. "Liana.
Yagé yoco." Klug 1946-Same locality and date. "Vine.
Cananguche yoco." Klug 1947-Same locality and date.
"Vine. Petals white. Strongest yoco. Huarmi yoco." Klug
1955-Same locality and date. "Vine. Taruco yoco."
Klug 1957-Rio Putumayo, Pinuna Negra. " Yoco. Arbusto de
1.5 m." November 20,1940. Cuatrecasas 10708-Mocoa. "Bark
used as souxce of stimulant drink. Lar e liana." December 3-7,1942. Schultes
et Smith 3045-Same locality and date. "Large woody vine. Stimulant
and antifebrugal plant." Schultes et Smith 3045A-Rio Sucumbios,
between Rio Putumayo and Quebrada Teteye. "Yoco colorado.
Extensive liana in dense forest. Sap of cambium scraped and used also as a
purge before taking yaje and to expel stomach parasites." March
19,1942. Schultes 3426-Depanamento del Cauca Rio Ca ueta, Puerto Limon.
`Large liana. Bark used to prepare stimulant. Whitish latex-like sap."
February 28-29,1942. Schultes 3341-"Yoco colorado.
Extensive vine in dense forest. Used as a stimulant and febrifuge." May
29, 1942. Schultes 3476-Rio Sucumbios, Conejo. April 2-5, 1942. Schultes
3543-Rio Putumayo, Pueno Ospina. "Extensive liana; basal diameter 3 inches;
sap expressed as stimulant. Bark contains a white, latex-like sap. July 6,
1942. Schultes 4028-Mocoa. "Large forest liana." March 1953. Schultes
et Cabsera s.n.-Between Mocoa and Pepino. March 1953. Schultes et Cabrera
s.n.-Mocoa. "Yoco negro." March 1953.
Schultes et Cabrera s.n. Near Mocoa. "Tigre yoco."
March 1953. SchuItes et Cabrera s.n. Along road 12 km. below Mocoa.
"Yoco colorado ." March 1953. Schultes
et Cabrera s.n.Pe ino. "Extensive vine in forest. Yoco de tigre."
March 1953. Schultes et Cabrera s.n. Ri6 Uchupayacu. "Yoco
blanco. Flowers white. Large liana." Schultes et Cabrera
s.n.Mocoa and vicinity. "Yoco colorado."
March 1953. Schultes et Cabrera s.n.-Pepino. "Unusually large
leaves. Yoco de brujo ." March 1953. Schultes et
Cabrera s.n.-Mocoa and vicinity. "Large forest liana. Yoco yaje."
March 1953. Schultes et Cabsera s.n. Rso Guamues, San Antonio. "Tree
4 m. Secondary growth. Bark for stimulant and to allay hunger." September
6, 1963.-Mocoa old road to Rumiyaco. Alt. 700-850 m. "Los indigenas lo
toman en maceracion en frio. Yoco." October 10, 1965. Garcia-Barriga,
Hashimoto et Ishikawa 18695-Rio Putumayo Remanso. "Primary forest. Bark
of stem is scraped and soaked to make a beverage which is drunk by the men
early mornings while making plans for the day. Totoa-yoko (`white
yoco') has more leche than other types of yoco, therefore is the best
type." August 22, 1966. Pinklev 380-Buena Vista. "Po-yoko.
This vine, growing wild in the jungle, can grow very tall and have a diameter
as thick as 4-5 inches when old. Its flower was described as 'medio-blanco
[whitish) by Francisco. It has a seed which splits open and is red inside
with a black seed in the middle. This is the most common form of yoko taken
by the Siona. They scrape the inner wood and drink the juice that comes out.
They drink one or two mouthfuls in the early dawn to twist the chambira
fibre or perform other tedious tasks." September 13, 1972. Piaguaje
5.
ECUADOR:
Provincia Napo, Rio Aguarico, Dureno. "Primary forest. Bark of stem scraped
and soaked in cold water to make a beverage which is drunk by the men very
early each moming. Liana. The men drink usually together in the morning while
planning the day. Kofan: Yoko-cú (`reddish yoko')."
January 3,1966. Pinkley 72-Same locality. "Cortex of stem reddish (older
than vine of no. 311). Kofan: yoko-cú (`reddish yoko')."
June 22, 1966. Pinkley 312 [Note: no. 31 I not available for study).-Same
locality. "Totoa yoco ('white yoco')."
September 6, 1966. Pinkley 428-Rio Napo, amongst Secoya Indians."Yoco."
November 29, 1971. Louthian s.n.
III.
Banisteriopsis
Caapi (Spr. ex Griseb.) Moston in Joum. Wash.
Acad. Sci. 21 (1931) 485.
Banisteriopsis
(Illustrated to the right) is a genus of approximately 100 species of forest
lianas of tropical America. Several species have been reported as the source
of an hallucinogenic drink prepared by Indians in South America-B. Caapi
and B. inebriens Morton. Recent taxonomic research has indicated that
the second binomial is a synonym of the first.
Vague references to this drug were made in missionary writings of the late
l7th Century in Peru and Ecuador, but little was known about it until the
mid l9th Century. In 1858, Villavicencio wrote about the hallucinogenic
drink ayahuasca in his Geogsafia de1 Ecuador, but he
mentioned no botanical identification beyond the fact that it was a liana
(Villavicencio 1858 and 1984).
The
first scientific identification of the drug was done by the British plant
explorer, Richard Spruce, who in 1851 had discovered that the Tukanoan tribes
of the Rio Uaupes of Brazil prepared an intoxicating drink of caapi
from the bark of a liana. He collected botanical material and identified it
as a new species of Banisteria-B. Caapi-now nomenclaturally known correctly
as Banisteriopsis Caapi. The description of the species was
not published until 1858, and Spruce's account of the preparation of caapi
did not appear until 1873 (Spruce 1873, 1908 and 1970).
In
1853, Spruce met with the use of caapi amongst the Guahibo Indians
of the upper Orinoco of Colombia and Venezuela-Indians who "not only
drink an infusion but also chew the dried stem." In 1857, when he travelled
and collected in the Ecuadorian Andes, he found the Za'paro and other Indians
taking a narcotic drink called ayahuasca, and he responed that
he considered it to come from "the identical species of the Uaupes, but
under a different name" (Langdon 1985).
Since
this early scientific work, many specialists and amateurs have written about
the malpighiaceous narcotic of the western Amazon. We now are rather certain
that it is prepared basically from the bark of one species, Banisteriopsis
Caapi (Gates 1982). Occasionally additives may be put into the brew to alter,
strengthen, change or lengthen the intoxication (Spruce 1873, 1908 and 1970).
Many have been responed, but two are of importance and are widely used: the
rubiaceous Psychotria viridis R. et P. and the malpighiaceous Diplopterys
Cabrerana (Cuatr.) Gates (formerly known as Banisteriopsis Rusbyana
/Ndz) Mart). Both of these plants contain tryptamines, the first known in
both families, which actually do alter and intensify the effects of the hallucinogenic
(B-carbolines in the basic bark of B. Caapi (Schultes and Hofmann 1973
and 1980).
There
is no doubt that Indians in the northwest Amazon can "identify"
different "kinds" of caapi or ayahuasca
at a distance without feeling, tasting or smelling the liana. Sundry field
studies have noted this peculiarity, and there is a long list of native names
that are presumed to designate these numerous variants. The natives maintain
that they are able to use these kinds of caapi or yaje
or ayahuasca to prepare drinks of different strengths,
for different purposes or in connection with different ceremonies or dances
or magico-religious needs, or what the partaker wishes to kill in the hunt.
At least 30 "kinds" are recogized and have native epithets in the
western Amazon.
This
aspect of ethnobotanical studies certainly requires much more intensive and
interdisciplinary field research. Are these kinds different age forms; are
they due to hardly perceptible soil or other ecological factors; are they
the result of growing in semi-open or secondary situations, as opposed to
the dense forest; are the specimens taken from various parts of the liana;
are the cultivated specimens specially selected clones with varying chemical
composition and, consequently, varying physiological effects; or are they
chemovars? Langdon (1985) has written: "Apparently the native populations.
. recognize many different kinds of caapi with different
hallucinogenic properties; I consider these to be chemical variants. The ease
with which caapi can be vegetatively propagated. . . makes it
possible for clones of such variants to be maintained." This statement
might explain a limited few cases of cultivated plants, but it cannot satisfactorily
be considered an explanation of the problem for wild lianas, nor can it in
any way clear up the Indian's ability to identify these variants ocularly
from a distance. Langdon (1985) furcher states that the western Siona of the
Putumayo of Colombia, Tukanoanspeaking peoples, with whom she worked, use
"finer distinctions than the botanist in classifying plants. One feature
employed in their classification is botanical: length, breadth, size and leaf
pattern and whether or not the plant flowers; another feature concerns the pan
of the plant used; another refers to phases of growth; still others are distinguished.
. . on the kind and colours of the visions induced; the strength of the intoxication
also enters as a factor. Other differences are taken into account: each plant
has a spiritual guardian and a shaman owner, and shamans often trade kinds.
Furthermore, if a shaman finds a wild liana in the forest, he will prepare
a drink to ascenain its wonh for inclusion in his own repertoire, especially
in regard to what visions it can induce; if he takes a cutting, he will then
and there name and classify it."
It
is difficult for the scientist to understand or accept many of these "criteria",
as real as they may be to the Indian, but native perspicacity in the finer
classification of many plants-both wild and cultivated-should be critically
examined for the possible practical values of some of the points of evaluation
to taxonomists and phytochemists.
On
the basis of extensive field work in Peru, Rivier and Lindgren report that
the Sharanahua Indians distinguish three types-red, black and white "kinds",
and that the distinction is based more in the differentiation in colour of
the drink than in the appearance of the plant (Rivier and Lindgren 1972)
According
to another field investigator, Deltgen, there are in the Colombian Vaupes
six kinds of caapi, based primarily on their effects (Deltgen 1978-79).
Still
another specialist, Reichel-Dolmatoff, states that there is in the Vaupes
"a large series of kinds" distinguished mainly on the basis of psychoactive
effects (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975).
The
most comprehensive field investigation of the Indian recognition of "kinds"
of the narcotic liana is that of anthropologist Langdon amongst the westem
group of Tukanoans-the Siona-who live in the Colombian Comisaria del Putumayo,
far to the west of the Tukanoan tribes of the Vaupes. Langdon was able to
collect 18 different vernacularly named "kinds". Botanical material
of almost all was collected and identified by Dr. Timothy Plowman of the Field
Museum of Natural History in Chicago (Langdon 1985). Almost all are botanically
referable to a single species: Banisteriopsis Caapi.
Siona
classification "is seen", according to Langdon, "as more complex
than that of botany and depends on the conjunction of botanical features,
chemical effects of the mode of preparation and cultural suggestions in the
visions experienced" (Langdon 1985). It is undoubtedly true that all
of these criteria are employed by the Indians for eventual "classification"
of the kinds of Banisteriopsis Caapi, but it is still not possible
for a native in the forest ocularly to identify with certainly a kind of caapi
by vernacular name from such features as its chemical constituents and culturally-what
he believes that the drug may induce.
The
meticulous field research of Langdon has indeed produced a good start, but,
in her own words, "further exploration between this conjunction of botany-chemistry-culture
warrants futhher investigation". It is still an enigma.
COLOMBIA:
Comisaria del Putumayo, Rio Uchupayaco, southeast of Pueno Limon.
"Yajé,
Narcotic. Liana." February 27-28,1942. Schultes 3346-Rio Sucumbios,
Conejo, March 29, 1942. Schultes 3475-Mocoa, August 28, 1963. Juajibioy
C. 256a-Mocoa.
"Bichemia
('bejuco'), amarrón huasca ('vine of the boa')." August
28,1963, Juajibioy C. 279-Mocoa. "Inde huasca."
August 28, 1963. juajibioy C. 280-San Antonio del Guamues. "Yajé
del monte" August-September 1963. Naranjo et Wiederhold
4-San Antonio del Guamues. "Yajé sembrado."
August, September. Naranjo et Wiederhold 5-Buena Vista. "Celima's
wai yagé'. Celimo grows it in his field. It is a tall and thick
vine. It is cooked before drinking, with yagé-oko added. Francisco
Piaquaje said that it is another class, but he can't identify it. Luciano
Piaquaje recognized it as wai' yagé." September
1972. Langdon 21-Buena Vista, "Beji yagé.
This yagé is cultivated in the fields. It is tall and
very thick at full growth. It is cooked with yagé-oko and is
supposed to be one of the strongest yagés" September
26, 1972. Langdon 23-Buena Vista "Wa'i yagé
or wahi-yagé collected and grown by Francisco Piaquaje.
The yagé is a mata (bush) instead of a
vine. It is about 1 meter tall. It is grown in their fields. The plant grows
as a thick bush. This yagé is usually prepared simply by grating
the stems and drunk without cooking. It is used to see the pinta de
caseria-visions of animals. The leaves may possibly be mashed and
their juice used also." September 26, 1972. Piaquaje 25-Buena
Vista. "So'om-wa-wa'i yagé. Collected and
grown by Ricardo Yaiguaje. This yagé, which Richard grows
in his field, is given its name because of the way it grows. The vine, which
is about 3-4" thick at maturity, grows very, very long: so'-om-wa.
To make it grow thick, Ricardo prunes the branches. This is a class of wahi-yagé
and they drink it raw by grating the vine. However, they also mix it with
various classes of kwa'ku-yagé. It shows the visions of hunting.
Leonides, Ricardo's father, told him to plant only this in a field, and the
yagé would be like the seed of the wild pig sese so that
even though the Siona no longer drink yagé, they would
always have a lot of game. I asked him if this was sese yagé,
and he said: `Lo mismo'." September 27,1972. Langdon 30-Buena
Vista "Usebo yagé-collected by Ricardo Yaiguaje.
The vine of this class of yage is very thick, about 6" in diameter.
The vine grows straight up instead of twisting, until its thickness begins
to diminish. This is one of the kwa'ku class and is cooked with
yagé-oko." September 27, 1972. Langdon 31-Buena
Vista. "Wa'i yagé. It is a bush about 1-1
1/2 meters high." September 28,1972. Langdon 32-Buena Vista. "Weki-yagé.
Grown by Celimo Asno. It is a large vine. Is a class of kwa'-ku yagé."
September 29,1972. Langdon s.n.--Between Mocoa and Pepino. "Stout
vine on trees, 45 ft. tall. Leaves membranaceous, dark green, shining above,
pale green beneath. Stems boiled with chagropanga (Diplopterys
CabrercinaJ to make narcotic drink. Indehuasca. Yajé."
July 28, 1960. Schultes 22553.
INTENDENCIA
DEL GUAINIA: Río Inirida, El Remanso. August 12, 1975. García-Barriga
20805.
ECUADOR: Provincia Pastaza,
Rio Chico, affluent of Rio Pastaza, Village of Rio Chico. Alt. c.1000 m. "Shredded
stem boiled with fine leaves of Diplopteris Cabrerana (Shemluck et Ness 218)
until conc. and ca. 3 oz. taken on empty stomach for hallucinations. The day
fast not absolute; bananas and salt can be eaten. Ayahuasca. "August
1979. Shemluck et Ness 219.
PERU: Depanamento de Loreto, Iquitos.
"Ayahuasca. Woody vine. A tea brewed fzom the leaves and
stem produces fanciful dreams. Also used as a cure for many ills and as an intoxicating
beverage. A strong narcotic." August 2-8, 1929, Killip et Smith
27385-Iquitos region, Rio Nanay, Picuruyacu "Ayahuasca.
Vine growing near garden. Chopped vine boiled with yajé and samiruca
(Psychotria viridis)." July 5,1966, Martin et Lau-Cam 1089.
Rio Amazonas. "Trepadora sin flores ni frutos. Haya huasca."
October 25,1966. Torres 223. Zapote, Alto Rio Punis. "Lowland forest.
The stems are mashed and boiled with water during one hour with one or more
additives to prepare ayahuasca." August 22,1968. Rivier
1-Zapote, Alto Rio Purus. "Lowland forest. Ramiwetsem (`yellow
ayahuasco'). Culiba name" August 22,1968. Rivier 2. Marcos, Alto
Rio Purus. "The stems are mashed and boiled in water for about one hour
with one or more additives to prepare ayahuasca. Lowland forest."
August 8, 1968, M68. Rivier 3. Marcos, Alto Rio Purus. Shuriosfiinipa
('red ayahuasca') = name in Sharanahua. August 8,1968. Rivier
4. Rio Amazonas, Caballacocha. "Ayahuasca. El remedio.
Extensive woody liana 6 ft. high with trunks to 10 cm. diameter. Cultivated
in chacra near lake. Stems chopped up and boiled for 8 hours to prepare hallucinogenic
beverage, mixed with chacruna leaves (Psychotria vividis)."
March 22,1977. Plowman, Schultes et Tovar 6430. Departamento de San Martin,
Huahuiva. "Ayahuasca negza." July 6,1985.
Woytkowski 5045; 5074.-"Monte real. Shillinto o ayahausca amarilla.
Medicinal." July 10, 1958. Woytkowski 5076-San Alejandro, Rio de
Loreto. "Monte real. 300 m. Ayahuasca amarilla."
July 24, 1958. Woytkowski 5119-San Jose de Sisa, c. 550 m. "Trepador voluble
(soga) cultivado. Flores rosadas. Shiznba-ayahuasca."
July 26, 1958. Velazde N. 6577-Tarapoto. Rio Schilcayo. Alt. 350 M. "Extensive
cultivated liana, 6 in. tall, growing in full sun. Sterile. Ayahuasca."
May 4, 1976. Plowman 6041.
LITERATURE CITED
ABBOTT, I.A., and C. SHIMAZU. I985. The geographic
origin of the plants most commonly used for medicines by Hawaüans. J. Ethnopharma.
14:213-222.
DELTGEN, F.1978-79. Culture, drug and personality-a
preliminary repon about the results of a field research among the Yebamasa Indians
of Rio Piraparana in the Colombian Comisaria del Vaupes. Ethnomedizin 5( 1,2):57-81.
GATES, B. 1982. Banisteriopsis, Diplopterys (MalpighiaceaeJ
in Flora Neotropica, New York Botanical Garden, New York. Monograph No.
30.
LANGDON, J.1985. Siona classification of yage, Ethnobotany,
ethnochemistry, visions and history. Unpubl. lecture. Congreso Internacional
Americanistas, Bogota.
REICHEL-DOLMATOFF, G. 1975. The shaman and the jaguar-a
study of narcotic drugs among the Indians of Colombia. Temple Univ. Press. Philadelphia.
RNIER, L., and J.E. LINDGREN. 1972. 'Ayahuasca', the
South American hallucinogenic drink: an ethnobotanical and chemical investigation.
Econ. Botany. 26:101-129.
SCHULTES, R.E. 1942. Plantae Colombianae II. Yoco:
a stimulant of southem Colombia in Bot. Mus. Leafl., Harvard Univ. 10:301-324.
________.1957. The identity of the malpighiaceous narcotics
of South America in Bot. Mus. Leafl., Harvard Univ. 18:1-56.
________ and A. HOFMANN.1973 and 1980. The Botany and
Chemistry of Hallucinogens. Ed. 1 and Ed. 2 Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, Springfield,
Ill.
SPRUCE, R. 1908. On some remarkable narcotics of the
Amazon Valley and Orinoco in Ocean Highways: the Geographical Review, v. 9.,
no. 55 (1873) 184-193. (Ed. A.R. Wallace] Notes of a botanist on the Amazon
and Andes. Macmillan and Co., Ltd. London. 2 vol. Reprinted ed. Johnson Reprint
Corp., New York. 2 vol. (1970).
VILLAVICENCIO, M.1858. Geografia de la Repfiblica del Ecuador. R. Craigshead,
New York 371. Reprinted edition: Corporacion Editora Nacional, Quito ( 1984).